- Andrew Harding
- Donbas, Ukraine
Different political views divided the inhabitants of Bakhmut, a city on the front line in eastern Ukraine.
Sometimes this is whispered. More often – they hide behind euphemisms and carefully selected ambivalent answers. But from time to time here, on the green hills of Donbass, just shoot pro-Russian sentiment.
“This is Russian territory. Ukraine is an occupier here,” said a man in overalls, standing with a group of municipal workers. They are removing Bakhmut, a Ukrainian city where Russian artillery is now well heard.
And this man is not alone in his obvious contempt for the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Next to him, 65-year-old Olena expressed similar views – only in more ambiguous words.
“I don’t know Putin personally, so I can’t say what I think of him. But I don’t consider Russia an enemy. We all lived together in the Soviet Union. So let’s see what happens [if Russia occupies the city],” she said.
The assertion that Ukraine is strongly united against Russia’s invasion is true for the country as a whole. But here in the Donbas, there is a large ethnic Russian minority, as well as a painful history of eight years of conflict with Russian-backed separatists and, especially for the older generation, a strong nostalgia for the Soviet Union.
The result is a growing clash of political views, and at least some Bakhmut residents, a key hub for people fleeing the Luhansk region further east, have shamelessly supported Russia’s invasion.
“Putin is a smart guy, a smart KGB man,” said the 80-year-old pensioner, a former engineer, sitting in the kitchen of a local canteen and peeling potatoes. If the Russians take over the city, she says in a whisper, “it won’t make any difference to me,” she pauses when a colleague enters the room.
“I am a product of the Soviet Union. We all lived together at the time, and I have relatives everywhere. I will not tell you what I think of Putin,” said another elderly ethnic Russian woman who is preparing to drop off young people along with other workers. trees at the entrance to Bakhmut.
Some Ukrainians here shy away from such pro-Russian comments, considering them just the grumbling of the older generation – a handful of elderly retirees who do not want to leave their homes, and whose opinion is unlikely to have a significant impact on the course of this war.
But in other parts of Ukraine recently liberated from Russian occupation, there is evidence that collaborators were actively helping Kremlin troops. And today, in frontline cities like Bakhmut, there are fears that pro-Russian sentiment could pose a real risk, especially if shared by local officials.
“These people are trying to sit on two chairs – Mr. or Missing,” – said local businessman Dmitry Kononets, describing, according to him, the attitude of some figures in the city council.
He contrasts the relatively restrained public comments of Mayor Oleksiy Reva with the loud, defiant tone of many of Ukraine’s junior governors and civil servants, and questions why the city council is involving people in weeding when they can dig trenches instead.
“Obviously, they don’t really want to stop [Russia from capturing the city]. They just seem to be succeeding. It’s just ridiculous,” Kononets said, adding that he knew many locals who received all the news from Russian television and believed in “that nonsense.” “.
But supporters of the City Council say such suspicions are unfounded. They are defending landscaping efforts on the streets of the city to demonstrate that life goes on even in the face of Russian aggression.
“This is our form of resistance,” one council official told us.
“The mayor is undoubtedly firmly pro-Ukrainian,” said a member of the city council, who, however, asked not to be named.
The mayor himself refused to give an interview. He has held this position for over 30 years. His deputy Maksym Sutkovy strongly rejected the assumption that the mayor may be disloyal to Ukraine.
“Bakhmut is part of Ukraine. Our task is to protect everyday life here, continue to do our job and not get hysterical. Undoubtedly, there are [collaborators] here, but the security services have to eradicate them,” he said.
Although most families in Bakhmut have already left the city following official advice, there are many local volunteers in uniform who have remained to fight any Russian attack.
“We will defend this place to the death,” said one farmer, Slava, who joined the defense and loaded supplies into his car to take to colleagues digging trenches on the outskirts of the city.
But with air-raid sirens ringing in the city and the fact that Russian troops have already taken control of Popasna, 30 km to the east – and also advancing from the north and southeast – it’s no surprise that old suspicions are emerging. and new tensions are rising.
“Karma will catch up with them quickly,” said Svitlana Kravchenko, 57, of those who supported the Russian offensive in Bakhmut.
She helps run a small charity that collects food and other supplies to distribute to city soldiers and elderly civilians in surrounding villages. In their basement is also the church of the PCU, where she and others pray daily. Most of the traditional churches in Bakhmut are still officially affiliated with the Russian Orthodox Church, whose leadership has publicly endorsed Putin’s invasion.
“Everyone makes their choice. And they will have to answer for it. Maybe someone here wants to surrender [to the Russians]. But when this conflict ends, when the shelling and shooting stop, then the traitors will be punished. Whether in this world or not.” says Svetlana.
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